Emotional
motivations and benefits
Emotional motivations
fall into two categories: those that positively drive behaviour
(emotional benefits), and the avoidance of negative emotions. All emotional
motivations emerged as less conscious/salient than rational motivations, but this was
not always the case. Reinforcement, however, can be very powerful when accessible.
Positive emotional
motivations
(i)Altruism/feel good
factor
This motivation was common
across the sample (although to a greater or lesser extent),
and it was significant in assisting continued or sustained behaviour. Whilst for some
this was about the simple feel good factor of doing the right thing, for others the wider
implications were of greater significance (in terms of them making a personal
contribution to an important world issue or problem and the belief that what they do
can make things a bit better). The experience of personal value and some sense of
generosity or selflessness was a good motivator, whatever the underlying issues. Those
with children and grandchildren tended to be motivated most strongly in this context.
“I do it because if we all do it then we are all doing our little bit”
[Female, D, 55-65, Empty Nester, Coastal town, South Wales]
Reinforcing that ‘green’
behaviour is the right thing to do, or is done by good people,
is important to encourage and retain the aspects of both aspiration and social
approval.
Specific values held by
individuals predisposed them to certain behaviours. Hence,
where a high level of existing green interest or complementary ethics existed, their
lifestyle was usually green by either habit or default, but was still ethically focused.
Some respondents had been
brought up with certain level of interest and/or concern
for nature, countryside and/or resources within their family. As such, certain
behaviours had become natural/habitual from young age, e.g. recycling, conserving
water, gardening, composting, etc. This focus was not necessarily considered “green”
but more “nature oriented”.
Many respondents had strong
traditional values of ‘waste not want not’. This was
markedly prominent in this Wales sample, and across a wider variety of segments,
versus the English sample in the Defra study.
(iii) Personal
integrity
Personal integrity was
another unconscious motivator as environmentally friendly
behaviour can offer a positive contribution to self perception. It is important to note,
however, that whilst integrity is attached to the ethics of the behaviour; the ethics are
attached to different values. This can be ‘greenness’ for those who are committed to
it,
but for others the ethics are more about efficiency, non-wastage, tidiness or good
citizenship, for example.
For some this was about their personal integrity as a key ethic/role in their
life, a
strong desire to avoid consumerism or to minimise waste are two examples of this
A few respondents displayed narcissistic tendencies, feeling themselves to be
special
or different because they believed they were doing more or doing different things
compared to others
“My wife recycles more than many other people, which is admirable. We
used to take stuff to the recycling
depot before the collection service started locally”
[Male, ABC1, 46, Older Family, Mkt Town, Flintshire - EF]
For others personal integrity was more about reparation for less positive actions,
either non- ‘green’ or generally in life – in the past, present or future. Having
one
indulgent car and another more environmentally friendly one or investing in a water
butt to conserve water in the garden might be prompted by a love of baths over
showers, so one behaviour balances out the other which, in effect, is offsetting
behaviour.
“I walk to the pub where I meet my friends. It’s an hour walking
but that’s nothing to me”
[Male, DE, 35-54, Single, Valleys, South Wales - IG]
(iv) Social
currency
Social currency was an
important motivator for many, but this operated at different
levels of intensity and consciousness across the sample and between segments. Overall,
social recognition was a key driver in different segments, some of which still have room to
improve, and for others which can grow in ambassadorial value. Status also emerged as
a useful motivator, particularly when attached to national pride.
Carrying out ‘green’ behaviours was almost universally recognised to
be positive,
and so offered the benefit of approval from others - friends, family, neighbours and
so on. It was agreed that most people think you’re a better person if you display
‘green’ behaviours and the more the better, although forcing views and encouraging
behaviours in others were rare and tended to be viewed negatively. Avid recyclers
may, for example, have been prompted initially by the social approval of their
neighbours, but did not feel it was appropriate to actively encourage or put pressure
on others.
“Like keeping up with the Joneses…if you’re not doing it, you
look bad”
[EM Female, 36-45, BC1, Older Family, Newport - CWC
“Often things are done because it is socially unacceptable not to do
them”
[Male, ABC1, 46, Older Family, Mkt Town, Flintshire - EF]
For a minority being ‘green’ emerged as a sign of status or superiority. ‘Being ahead
of others’ and ‘in the know’ (like early adopters) or ‘better at it’ than others
either on
an individual or a national level, this meant that they could occupy higher moral
ground or feel ‘smarter or cleverer’.
Reinforcement of the worth of individual contributions was found to be valuable
to
meet the various emotional needs of some consumers.
Given more universal recognition, it is becoming increasingly ‘right on’
to be ‘green’
and for some this fits well with their own identity. Many, however, still have
reservations based on less positive attributes which are also attached to being
“green”. Fashionability could be given more impetus by the use of carefully chosen
spokespeople representing the ‘green’ cause and prompting ‘green’ behaviours.
Negative emotional
motivations
(i) Avoidance
of guilt
The main negative motivator
was the avoidance of guilt triggered by social conscience.
Again, different focuses were evident: some experienced an inwardly focused social
conscience whereas others were more motivated by external peer pressure.
Guilt was often found
to underlie existing ‘trade off’ behaviour and, for some
segments, this could be used specifically to increase their contribution. However, some
respondents used barriers or rationalisations to justify lack of behaviour or avoid guilt.
“The neighbour next door is wanting to know why we’ve got six cars
and I tell them…”
[Male, B, 35-45, Married with kids, Valleys, South Wales - BC]
Some of this sample felt obliged (or a responsibility) to undertake some behaviours
on the basis of feeling of being part of society, particularly if things were made easy,
as with local recycling collection schemes or selecting a more energy efficient
domestic appliance when replacing an old one.
“It gives you peace of mind if you’ve done your best to be environmentally
friendly”
[Male, B, 26-35, Cohabit/No Kids, Semi-Rural, Powys - EF]
There was also some evidence of direct pressure from friends or neighbours
to be
more environmentally friendly across a variety of segments. However, most peer
pressure was found to come from family - nagging partners, children or occasionally
parents, perhaps because of a sense of personal or joint responsibility.
“My brother’s a green…he’s always on at me”
[EM Female, BC1, 36-45, Older Family, Newport - CWC]
(ii)Concern or fear
about climate change and the environmental consequences
When considering the possibility
of consequences in their own life time or that of their
own children or grandchildren, associated fears were found to be a driver to action for
some.
For some this was about
a future vision of potentially disastrous consequences for the
planet at some variable time hence, but more significantly the impact it would
inevitably have at a more direct personal/community level on them in Wales, for
example the possible movement of new population away from the coast and into
Wales.
“I think it’s important we try and keep what we can. I know there’s
a natural change, things die out and
things ebb and flow, but I don’t think we should be influencing it as much as we do...if we carry
on we’re going
to kill the human race”
[Male, BC1, 46-55, Married/Empty Nest, Coastal/Mkt Town, Gwynedd - CWC]
Concern tended to be driven
in many cases by direct experience of growing and very
real issues in their current line of work or life, such as drought for farmers and/or
rising sea levels on the coast. Recent flooding in England and Wales had also served to
raise concern.
“I think global warming is becoming much more of an issue and you take
more seriously because it affects my
job – you’ve got to carry the water to the livestock. It impacts on the daily running of the
business, and the
system doesn’t work – nothing grows”
[Male, B, 26-35, Cohabit/No Kids, Semi-Rural, Powys - EF]
“This really, really concerns me how the weather has completely changed…look
at all this flooding, we no
longer have the winter we used to have”
[Female, C1, 56-65, Single/Empty Nester, Renting, Wrexham - CG]
“I buy a paper every day. There is a lot about global warming, it’s
scary isn’t it. It’s not something you can
just ignore. It’s affecting us now. We should be in summer now, not all this rain. I see it on
the TV too”
[Male, C2, 25, Co-habit, Wrexham - CWC]
Others showed lower levels
of concern, but there was evidence of some sympathy for
those currently or likely to be more affected.
Across the sample as a
while, there was a very wide variation in respondents’ detailed
understanding of climate change. Level of knowledge, however, was not always
reflected in the level of overall concern and resulting behaviour.
As in the England study, global
environmental damage and pollution was most top of
mind, but there was serious consideration here of both past and current more local
issues.
In terms of global environmental
damage, the terms global warming and climate change
were used interchangeably. Respondents also focused on problems or disasters in other
countries, for example, the ongoing destruction of rainforests and the plight of the
polar bear.
“The polar bear was walking on the ice cap where it is normally frozen – he just swam and swam and
drowned. It was just a sad, sad thing”
[Male, C1, 36-45, Young Family, New Build/Mkt Town, Caerphilly - BC]
“Stop chopping bloody rain forests down…trees take all the crap
out of the air and turn it into
oxygen…we’re killing the potential of the planet. The rain forests are there for a reason.
The planet runs itself”
[Male, C1, 36-45, Young Family, New Build/Mkt Town, Caerphilly - BC]
Similarly, pollution
was mainly considered in terms of ‘big’ issues ‘elsewhere’. Many
spoke of gases or fumes in the environment, particularly from cars and heavy industry
(with some specifically citing carbon and carbon emissions as the key issue).
“Rockets going into space and aeroplanes, that’s what’s messing
it up. The poisons they are putting into the
atmosphere”
[Female, D, 36-45, Older Family, Estate/Valleys, Blenau Gwent - CG]
Major catastrophes and
their long term impact, such as Chernobyl, were also still top
of mind for some. Other countries were seen as mostly responsible for pollution issues,
including England in part.
Local issues were
more back of mind for most respondents, but these included bad
pollutants from industry in South Wales (resulting in potentially ‘systemic’ issues, such
as toxins from industry affecting health). New local issues included problems with
landfill sites in North Wales, littering predominantly by ‘tourists’, and fly-tipping by a
local ‘irresponsible’ minority.
More cosmetic damage was
also resented by some and these included housing
developments and wind farms eating up green space.
Local issues helped bring
concern over consequences for Wales’, as well as Welsh
contribution and impact, closer to home for some. Such personal concerns have had the
effect of, and have more potential to, rally/mobilise a sense of protection/preservation
in some segments.
